Power struggle in Afghanistan
Amid the immediate seizure of Afghanistan by the extremist Islamist organization, its top leaders returned to Kabul after years of beating. On August 21, 2021, senior Taliban officials gathered in the Afghan capital to discuss government formation with elders and politicians. Major task forces and other prominent leaders have long been cloaked in secrecy, even though they reigned from 1996 to 2001.
Let’s see who is who is in the formation of the government in Afghanistan.
- Haibatullah Akhundzada, the supreme leader
Haibatullah Akhundzada was chosen as the leader of the Taliban during a rapid change of power after a US drone strike that killed Mullah Mansour Akhtar in 2016, the former head of the terrorist organization. Prior to his rise through the movement’s ranks, Akhundzada was a low-key religious figure. It is generally believed that he was carefully chosen to help more as a nominal spiritual leader than as a military commander. Subsequently appointed chief, Akhundzada obtained a word of honor of loyalty from al-Qaeda leader Ayman al-Zawahiri, who greeted the religious leader with praise and called him the Emir of the Worshipers. This sealed his jihadist identifications with the group’s longtime associates.
Akhundzada has been given the enormous responsibility of amalgamating a terrorist organization that was temporarily cracked by the unpleasant power struggle after Akhtar’s death. The revelation that the leadership had hidden the death of the founder of the Taliban, Mullah Omar for many years. His public profile was mainly limited to proclaiming messages during Islamist functions.
- Mullah Baradar, the co-founder of the Taliban.
Abdul Ghani Baradar grew up in Kandahar, the source of the Taliban struggle.
Corresponding to most Afghans, the incursion of the Soviet Union continually transformed Baradar’s life in 1979 into a terrorist. He was thought to have fought with Mullah Omar. The duo would launch the Taliban movement in the early 1990s, amid the chaos and corruption of the civil war that began after the withdrawal of the Soviet Union in 1989.
When the Taliban government was collapsed in 2001 by US-led NATO forces, Baradar is believed to be part of a small group of terrorists who marched to and met with provisional leader Hamid Karzai with a possible deal that would have seen terrorists recognize the new government.
He was detained in Pakistan in 2010; Baradar was kept in a safe place until pressure from the United States released him in 2018 and was repositioned in Qatar. Here in Qatar, he was appointed political leader of the organization and signed the peace agreement and the withdrawal of US-led NATO forces from Doha.
- Sirajuddin Haqqani, the Haqqani network.
Son of a renowned anti-Soviet Union jihad commander, Sirajuddin Haqqani is number two in the Taliban and the leader of the all-powerful Haqqani network. The United States has designated the Haqqani Network as a terrorist group. It is considered one of the most treacherous terrorist organizations in Afghanistan.
The Haqqani Network is an official and semi-autonomous member of the Afghan Taliban and a supporter of QA. It was created by Jalaluddin Haqqani, one of the main anti-Soviet Islamist commanders who became a prominent Taliban official and ultimately a key leader of the post-2001 insurgency. The Taliban established his death from natural causes in September 2018.
The Haqqani Network is known for its use of suicide bombers and is believed to have staged some of the most high-profile terrorist attacks in Kabul for many years. The Haqqani Network is accused of killing senior Afghan government officials and holding scores of Western citizens for ransom.
They are well known for their independence, fighting skills and shrewd business connections, the Haqqanis operate from the mountainous region of eastern Afghanistan, while exerting considerable influence over key Taliban leaders. .
The Haqqani Network is responsible for the deadly attacks in the war in Afghanistan and the deaths or injuries of hundreds of US-led NATO forces. And was in fact labeled as close to the Pakistani intelligence agency
- Mullah Yaqoob, the offshoot of the Taliban.
Mullah Yaqoob is the son of Mullah Omar, the co-founder of the Taliban, and the commander-in-chief of the group’s powerful military organization, which oversees the vast network of commanders on the ground tasked with implementing the rebellion.
Yaqoob’s father loved the cult position as the leader of the Taliban, and this compelling ancestry makes him an amalgamation of forces within the terrorist organization. However, conjectures remain about Yaqoob’s exact role as some political analysts believe his 2020 appointment was purely superficial.
Afghanistan’s geographic position, complex ethnic configuration, and history of fighting and instability have shaped the space for many armed Islamist terrorist organizations, some of which have been implicated in terrorist and violent activities globally. . The main terrorist organizations operating in Afghanistan are al-Qaeda and the Islamic State (IS, also known as ISIS, ISIL, or by the Arabic acronym Daesh), the Haqqani network, and their relations with other states and non-state actors, including the Taliban. The Taliban is not a US designated foreign terrorist organization (FTO). Some smaller terrorist groups are Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) and the Islamic Movement of East Turkestan (ETIM).
In February 2020, the United States and the Taliban reached an agreement and the Taliban had agreed to carry out indefinite counterterrorism efforts in exchange for the complete withdrawal of US and international military forces, which is expected to be completed in August 2021. The Taliban interact with the groups mentioned above in a variety of ways that can affect US interests. President Joseph Biden and other US officials have specified that the United States will maintain “skills on the horizon to deal with terrorist threats in Afghanistan after the US military withdrawal.” However, observers vary on how the Taliban regime might authorize or weaken terrorist organizations.
Conclusion: Insurgencies and counterinsurgencies would be alive and well for the foreseeable future, but the challenge is to understand this type of asymmetric warfare. Is it necessary to understand the causes of these insurgencies? How are these insurgencies organized? Moreover, what strategies should be used to defeat such insurgencies? Each insurgency is unique and ends in a different and nuanced way, depending on the complexity of the variables, including local factors.
In recent years, however, jihadist activity has become more widespread than ever. Typical counterterrorism toolkits such as designations, financial sanctions, travel bans, targeted assassinations, and special forces operations are inadequate against movements that regulate towns, villages and lines of land. ‘supply, provide public goods, generate income locally and have mercenaries with them. In some cases, the ideology and aspirations of their leaders are so complicated that it is difficult to engage them politically, but there is little modern precedent for defeating an entrenched insurgent movement by military means.
The roots of the expansion of these insurgents disobey the general explanation. The forms of radicalization differ from country to country, from village to village, from individual to individual. Indeed, we must unite to defeat such insurgent victories in the future.
The opinions expressed above are those of the author.
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